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Can States Regulate Immigration? Part 3
Prince William County, Virginia

28 Jul 2007 in ,

On July 10, the Board of Supervisors of Prince William County, Virginia, approved an ordinance concerning the enforcement of federal immigration law within its borders. Prince William County is a southern suburb of Washington, DC.

The county's action has been covered by the Washington Post (Nick Miroff, July 6 and July 11; Pamela Constable, July 28), as well as a similar action taken in Loudon County, Virginia, northwest of Washington (Sandhya Somashekha, July 18 ) and contemplated in the City of Manassas, Virginia (Christy Goodman, July 15).

The major elements of the resolution (which the County Attorney says is not a change in law):

The principal element of this action is law enforcement.

LAW ENFORCEMENT

A December 2006 Powerpoint presentation by the County Police Department sets forth in bullet form the applicable federal and state laws governing, among other things, local police cooperation with DHS.
Federal
According to the presentation, it takes five weeks of training for a local police officer to be certified by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Furthermore, the program is intended only to apprehend "criminal illegal aliens who pose significant threat to national security or public safety." The high cost of participation has resulted in limited state and local interest in the program.
State
Local police have the authority under Virginia Code Section 19.2-81.6 to arrest illegal aliens if the officer confirms that the individual
  1. Is an alien, illegally present in the US;
  2. Has been previously convicted of a felony in the US; and
  3. Was deported or left the US after such conviction.
It is current policy of the Police Department is to notify federal authorities when a suspected criminal illegal alien is arrested for participation in criminal street gang activity, organized crime, violent crime or other major felonies, or any offense where the subject is arrested for using a firearm. However, the Department refrains from involvement beyond notification in serious cases, and any involvement with respect to lesser violations: "Any further action is at the discretion of the Federal authorities."

The presentation shows the Police Department preferred not to take any greater responsibility for enforcing federal immigration law. "Immigration enforcement," says the Department, "is a Federal responsibility." The Department opposed any further integration with federal immigration authorities. The resolution appears to explicitly reject this advice. Police Chief Charlie Deane reiterated his opposition (PDF pages 3-6) before the resolution was approved. Although the resolution explicitly bars Deane and his subordinate officers from interfering with officers' efforts to do more, it's unclear how many County police officers are inclined to do more and what percentage of them would risk their careers by taking action in conflict with the wishes of the chief.

ECONOMICS

The practical effect of this local action is at best ambiguous. County supervisors postponed until fall the task of converting it into a legally enforceable ordinance. Moreover, the active opposition of the police chief is a significant barrier, and it explains the reason why the resolution explicitly includes language enabling any legal County resident to force compliance through legal action. Nevertheless, in a contest between elected officials and the police chief, officers are likely to follow the chief's lead.

Activists for illegal aliens object to the resolution, especially its law enforcement directives. They propose two lines of attack. First, they seek to encourage more legal aliens to seek citizenship so they can vote, but it's not clear how many immigrants are eligible for citizenship. This percentage seems likely to be small; advocacy by immigrant groups for the recent federal immigration bill, which included a rapid path to citizenship, would have been superfluous otherwise.

Second, they propose to execute an economic boycott during the week of August 27 -- September 3. The purpose of the boycott is to demonstrate the economic power of illegal aliens -- and those who sympathize with them -- by making the absence of their consumption noticeable. During this period, illegal aliens are supposed "to avoid large chain supermarkets and mega-stores and to patronize smaller, Latino-owned markets instead." These latter establishments presumably are more expensive, less convenient, or both; otherwise, they would be full of illegal alien shoppers and large chain supermarkets and mega-stores would not.

Boycott organizers display limited facility with economics, however, as what they are proposing almost certainly could not have the economic effect they intend. Even if they achieved 100% compliance within their community and retailers fully and immediately responded, the effect would be to cause a downward shift in demand and lower prices for citizens and non-sympathizers. That would make illegal aliens' economic effects transparent, but in a way almost certain to backfire on them by emboldening their opponents with empirical evidence. This is reminiscent of the regularly proclaimed "gas free days" in which opponents of "Big Oil" try to influence energy policy by buying on Tuesday or Thursday the gasoline they otherwise would buy on Wednesday.

Community compliance with the boycott is almost certain to be spotty and its effects not discernible, thereby undermining the message of economic power that they seek to communicate. To be effective, a boycott must be sustained for years and joined by vast numbers of consumers, or conducted in a political rather than an economic marketplace.

Sometimes, boycotts have exactly the opposite effect organizers intend. Constable's article in the Washington Post includes a vignette showing how this happens:
Previous efforts to stage boycotts on behalf of immigrant causes have had mixed results in the Washington area. Last year, when national immigrant groups organized a boycott to protest deportations, some local leaders opposed participating, but Juarez's group led a construction-work slowdown and the temporary closure of some Latino shops in Northern Virginia.
Actions that lead to the closure of Latino shops, presumably owned by illegal aliens or their sympathizers, cannot possibly help the cause.

Resolution 07-10E

County Executive's memorandum

County Attorney's memorandum

County Police Department Powerpoint (December 2006)

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